Omnivore's Dilemma

The Omnivore's Dilemma Redux: Understanding Anti-Vaxxers

The 'Omnivore's Dilemma' is an extremely useful concept for understanding some of the paradoxes in human behaviour and psychology. Put simply, if a being can eat anything in order to obtain the energy and nutrients it needs to live, then it faces a dilemma not of survival but rather of choice. Rather than struggling just to achieve its goals (survival), the omnivore must answer questions such as how best to achieve that goal safely, efficiently and sustainably. Culture provides one way to find those answers - social learning increases decision-making effectiveness by offering proven solutions to questions about what's safe to eat, where the best stuff is found and how to prepare it efficiently. 

Everyone who's shopped in a modern supermarket has had direct experience of the omnivore's dilemma: the paradox of choice we feel when selecting one breakfast cereal out of hundreds causes acute anxiety akin to that felt by our ancestors deciding on the day's hunt. In our daily lives we resolve these feelings by relying on a combination of innate biological preferences and learned behaviours - some of which may be adaptive and some of which may not be. Our taste buds tell us to indulge in sweet and fatty foods; our psychological openness to experience tilts the scale between trying a new brand or sticking with what we've had before; our upbringing nudges us towards the brands our parents trusted; or we seek to imitate the choice of celebrities who appear on marketing material. If we're being very careful (perhaps because we're resource constrained) we might even engage our System 2 reasoning and perform a cost-benefit calculation: i.e. which cereal will feed a family of four for the least dollars?

The omnivore's dilemma is not just about food: humans are behaviourial omnivores. Every action we take is the path of least resistance between the competing biases and impulses coded in our brains by biology and culture - and those psychological and cultural impulses are shaped by thousands, if not millions, of years of natural selection. As a result, our impulses make certain assumptions about the physical environment related to the environmental structure in which they became 'fixed' as part of our psyche. The Santa Barbara-type evolutionary psychologists speculate at length about the "environment of evolutionary adaption" (EEA) - but in reality there's a different environment for every trait. For example, our preference for sugary and fatty foods is likely rooted deep in pre-agrarian history, at a time when such energy sources were rare. But your learned preference for cheap cereal may adaptive only in the developmental environment of your childhood, when your family pinched pennies.  

Signals and Behaviour

In terms of game theory, a behaviour is produced by a strategy which in turn relies on a stable set of expectations about the state of the world. As behaviourial omnivores, we are open to new information ('signals') about the state of the world and can adjust our strategies accordingly. In fact, humans as a species are remarkably adept at signal recognition: from birth, we are natural mimics with a preternatural talent for both pattern recognition and imputing causation. The canonical example of this is movement in tall grass: not only will we notice a sign of change in the state of the world, our first instinct is to attribute an agent or cause to that change. It's very likely in fact, that these abilities are somewhat overtuned: agency bias may be one of the psychological underpinnings of belief in the supernatural as well as social, political and economic conspiracy-mongering: we see patterns that just aren't there. 

But signals about the state of the world may or may not be accurate, indeed, they may be intentionally falsified by other actors. How then do we select between them, particularly when trusting one signal over another (i.e. changing our expectations about the world) may result in vastly different behaviour? Let's connect this back to real-world politics: the information age provides every individual with almost unlimited opinions on every conceivable topic. We face a paradox of information: given that we can find information supporting any conceivable state of the world, how do we choose between them? The answer is the same as when we choose our breakfast cereal: we let our biological and learned biases and preferences take over and go for the option that causes the least anxiety. Everyone is likely to prefer information that re-enforces their pre-existing beliefs about the state of the world (confirmation bias); conservatives are likely to prefer information from sources they are already familiar with; authoritarians will preferentially imitate the bahviour of high-status individuals etc. Only rarely do we engage our rational mind and make a costly, independent assessment of the facts. 

Social media makes all of this harder, of course. It strips away much of the context of information signals, removing information about the reputation and status of the sender that we might rely on to make such judgements. Bad faith actors can intentionally manipulate our biases to spread 'fake news'. Some of these techniques are quite insidious: propagandists and marketeers delight in abusing our learned biases towards the scientific method by deliberating misinterpreting research or associating themselves with high-status scientific professions. They attack the character or reputation of opposing sources (in areas unrelated to the quality of the information they are providing), knowing that this reduces the odds the experts will be listened to. They mimic the affectations and talking points of thought leaders: privileging 'open dialogue', the rhetorical style of varsity debate, and the cultural signifiers of wealth. 

The anti-vaxxers' dilemma

Let's see how this might all work in practice. Imagine you're a skeptical cattle herder in a quasi-agrarian society. You have a short lifespan, in no small part because there's a one in three chance of dying from smallpox. One day, someone from a neighbouring village comes through and describes a behaviour in which people in his village take pustules from infected cows and rub them on the faces or wounds of their children. He or she swears they haven't had a smallpox outbreak in years. Do you imitate this behaviour, knowing that a sick cow will sometimes also make a child sick? Of course you wouldn't! You'd think the stranger and his village were mad. And you might be right: another village nearby sacrifices the elderly to the sky-god and claims the same results, and that's obviously just superstititous nonsense. 

And yet the village that practices variolation is correct. Over millennia, they will live longer, healthier lives: have more children, herd more successfully and eventually come to dominate the local economy. Your village of skeptics (and the nearby village of religious fundamentalists) can't compete. You either imitate their behaviour or go extinct. Those who are most comfortable with novelty adapt the quickest. Over time, the behaviour becomes fixed in the population: scientists investigate and confirm the germ theory of disease; institutions are establish to subsidise the practice and punish those that don't comply. Ritualisation may even set in, such that compliance with the norm becomes a reliable signifier of group identity, 

Now flip the script. You're a parent who lives in a society that practices widespread vaccination and regularly signals to you that vaccination is safe and effective. But one day, you encounter a signal that tells you the opposite: somehow a crank theory or conspiracy, a bad scientific study or new religious belief has penetrated through the cultural fog and established an information paradox. What is the omnivore to do? Here's the thing: were the new information stating that vaccines are dangerous correct (it's not, for the record) the fitness-increasing decision would be to accept the new signal, refuse to vaccinate your children despite the risks and spread the new signal as widely as possible. Over a lifetime, your child would be statistically fitter and healthier and may achieve a higher social status. But of course, the opposite is true. The same openness to novelty which is adaptive in one set of conditions is maladaptive in the other

But the individual doesn't have the benefit of seeing life as a multi-generational evolutionary simulation in which statistically significant statistical differences in average outcomes are meaningful. They have to make a decision to reduce their individual anxiety in the moment. So their biases go to work. Most of us trust the information we learned as children about vaccinnes being safe; we attribute elite status to the medical profession and the advice it offers; we are at least partly responsive to the directives of government so long as it doesn't directly affect our individual rights and interests. A tiny minority of individuals will react differently and accept the new signal: maybe their psychological sanctity trigger is more sensitive; maybe they're more libertarian than average, and are skeptical about 'received wisdom'; maybe their openness to new information is set a little looser than average. Overall, it's plausible that there's a correlation between 'progressive' traits and anti-vaxxer idiocy: because the same set of underlying biases cause both sets of behaviour.

Openness to new information and skepticism of authority are politically adaptive behaviours for many people, but mental toolkits that may be adaptive in many scenarios are not guaranteed to be adaptive in all of them. We never know the state of the world with any certainty, and the adaptiveness or otherwise of our behaviour can only be known over extremely long timescales. Population-level behaviours, norms and institutions may help us resolve the paradox of information in many circumstances, but not all. We therefore remain behaviourial omnivores - capable of considerable strategic flexibility both on an individual and social level. That flexibility is central to what makes progress possible, but doesn't guarantee it for either the individual or society as a whole. 

The left and body sanctity

The central conceit of Politics for the New Dark Age is its rejection of a universal understanding of human nature. I posit that societies exist in evolutionary stable equilibria consisting of a mix of different personality types and that politics can largely be understood as a mechanism to generate dynamism and progress from the conflict between them. The rejection of universal rationality makes some uncomfortable; nowadays, I tend to point people with concerns towards Joshua Greene’s “Moral Tribes”, and Johnathan Haidt’s “The Righteous Mind”, both of which do a great job of introducing this concept to a general audience from positions of expertise in psychology. 

I have responded to Greene elsewhere; today’s blog will speculatively tackle one aspect of Haidt’s Moral Foundation theory. To re-summarise, Haidt posits that individuals have multiple moral system, some of which progressives and conservatives share (care/prevention of harm and fairness), and some of which they don’t (loyalty and respect for authority). I have argued elsewhere that politically salient personality cleavages (authoritarianism v libertarianism, progressive v conservative) can be understood as reflecting where these moral systems disagree, and that universal liberal social contract norms can be understood as reflecting where they converge.

The problem with sanctity

But where does Haidt's fifth category (‘sanctity’) fit into this scheme? Haidt himself often seems unsure, despite the central role it comes to assume for him in explaining the differences between progressives and conservatives. What is sanctity? From a biological perspective, sanctity simply reflects our innate avoidance of disgusting things, primarily as it relates to food, sex, and hygiene. The existence of such a mechanism makes evolutionary sense, as does its repurposing as part of a cultural mechanism. Rotten food tastes bad and you probably shouldn’t eat it. But beyond that, many cultures have complex food laws and rituals which embody local knowledge and expertise about food sources where the danger or opportunity is not intuitively obvious to individuals. Because moral systems create motivated action, the adaptive salience of such a mechanism is intuitively obvious.

Haidt claims that sanctity is of higher importance to conservatives than progressives. Conservatives tend to be obsessed with [sexual] purity, and a desire for cleanliness and order are important components of the conscientiousness trait which underlies political authoritarianism. And because the purpose of disgust is to motivate action, disgust and excitement are often strongly interlinked in human behaviour. Thus, it’s a cliché that many conservative figures who decry certain sexual practices in public find them exciting in private. We are aroused by moral violations, and that arousal sometimes finds expression in paradoxical ways.

Not just conservatives

What interests me, however, are manifestations of the sanctity trigger on the left. Unlike what Haidt believes, when you scratch the surface even just a little you find they’re widespread. Anti-vaccination paranoia is not merely a result of lack of education by fringe right-wingers, it’s also widespread amongst highly educated and socially-conscious people who are genuinely disgusted by the thought of injecting 'diseases' or 'chemicals' into their or their children’s body. Whether its concerns about ‘toxins’ in food, anti-GMO hysteria,  helicopter parenting, or a desire to consume only free-range eggs, some progressive stereotypes do in fact seem highly concerned with body sanctity. So what causes this? Is it yet more evidence for the so-called ‘quadratic hypothesis’, the mistaken theory that the far-left and far-right are fundamentally similar?

There was an interesting piece in the Atlantic in February which examined the issue. Concern about food sanctity, dietician Michelle Allison argues, is a manifestation of the existential fear of death (which also strongly motivates much political behaviour). Biologically, we are torn between “our desire to try new foods (neophilia) paired with our inherited fear of unknown foods (neophobia) that could turn out to be toxic.” Allison roots this in the so-called ‘Omnivore’s Dilemma’: as generalists, humans are presented with a potentially overwhelming variety of potential behaviours (Haidt uses the same metaphor).This contradiction between novelty-seeking and safety-seeking has obvious political parallels: some of us find freedom exciting, others find psychological comfort in traditional social and cultural rules that limit those choices, providing a sense of order and control. 

The 'Omnivore's dilemma' is thus functionally identical to the political divide between progressives (who believe that novelty makes society better off) and conservatives (who believe that novelty makes society worse off). My own hypothesis is that sanctity comprises both an 'internal' and 'external' vectors. The internal vector concerns the way in which the sanctity trigger motivates individual action; the external vector concerns the projection of those behaviours and standards on to others through the use of enforcement mechanisms such as punishment, gossip and shaming. Externally, the psychological links between sanctity, the desire to enforce order and conscientiousness seem rather obvious.

Therefore, the external, enforcement component of Haidt’s sanctity mechanism forms a part of the set of authoritarian personal and political behaviour traits – which, as you’ll know from Chapter I of Politics for the New Dark Age can manifest on both right and left. The political consequences of authoritarian sanctity are also common to both left and right: proponents of clean-living and clean-eating establish their superiority over those (economically less-advantaged) who cannot afford to do so, creating taboo words, behaviours and beliefs that become markers of social status. 

What I’d be interested in finding out is why the authoritarian left (with some notable exceptions) seems less interested in the sexual purity aspect of Haidt’s sanctity trigger. While the Soviet Union and communist China were/are far from embracing LGBT rights and sexual liberation, concerns about sexual behaviour have never formed a core proselytizing component of their political systems in the same way it has for right-wing regimes. Personally, I know plenty of sexually puritanical progressives, but they tend to keep it to themselves. The obvious exception to this are sex-negative and sex worker-exclusionary 'radical' feminists. What seems to be crucial is that they combine more conservative personal beliefs with strong authoritarian tendencies. Some have tried to claim Chomsky for this view, on the basis of this interview; although to me that doesn’t look like a well-formed intellectual position.

It would also be interesting to find out how those on the left with particular anxieties about body sanctity (i.e. anti-vaxxers, anti-GMO types) scored on other metrics of political authoritarianism. Does sanctity correlate with other metrics of conservativism and authoritarism as I posit, or is is independent? Research for another day!